vendredi 31 janvier 2020

Conflicts yet common interests


if the Russian-Turkish cooperation-rivalry in Syria were not enough, we find the same combination of rivalry and some common interests between Russia and Turkey in Libya - with even more oil and pipeline issues thrown in. On the one hand, Russia is backing General Khalifa Haftar who had done part of his military studies in the USSR and has a relatively easy relation with Russians. Since April 2019, General Haftar and his "Libyan National Army" is bogged down in his quest to take over the capital, Tripoli, which would make him master of most of the socio-economic wealth of the country. Haftar is blocked by tribal militias loyal to what is considered the legitimate government led by Fayez al-Saraf.

A large number of people in the Tripoli area have been displaced, seeking relative safety in other areas. Migrants and refugees being held in detention centers are suffering. Food and medical supplies are lacking. While there is a ceasefire agreement, the agreement is often violated and migrant-holding camps are hit.
Both the Russians and the Turks have sent mercenaries to back their interests: the Russian, the "private"security firm Wagner, first founded to back Russian interests in Ukraine. The Turks have sent Syrian militias friendly to Turkey with promisses of money and Turkish citizenship.

The growing Turkish influence in Libya worries both Greek and Cypres who have Law of the Sea exclusive-economic-zone disputes with Turkey in areas that may have important oil and gas reserves.

There is general agreement among the U.N. negotiators as well as diplomats from interested States that the aim is to develop a single, unified, inclusive, and effective Libyan government that is transparent, accountable, fair with equitable distribution of public wealth and resources between different Libyan geographic areas, including through decentralization and support for municipalities, thereby removing a central grievance and cause of recrimination.

The creation of such State structures has been the chief issue since 1945 when the Allies - Britain, the USA and the USSR - agreed that the Italian colonies should not be returned to Italy, although Italian settlers were encouraged to stay. The Allies did not want to create the structures of the new State believing that this task should be done by the Libyans themselves. Also, the three Allies disagreed among themselves as to the nature of the future State.

By 1950-1951 with more crucial geopolitical issues elsewhere, the Allies were ready for the creation of a Libyan State. It seemed that a monarchy was the most appropriate form of government as there were no structured political parties that could have created a parliamentary government. Thus in 1951, Idris was made the King of the State. Idris was the head of the Senussi Sufi Order created by his father. The Senussi Sufi Order had branches in most parts of the country. Idriss ruled the country as if it were a Sufi order and did little to structure non-religious political structures. Idris ruled until September 1969 when he was overthrown by Muammar el- Qaddafi.


Qaddafi was also not interested in creating permanent political parties which, he feared, might be used against him. He called himself "the Guide of the Revolution" not "President" and Libya became the Libyan Jamaihirya, that is, the authority of the people. The closest model to Qaddafi's vision is a Quaker Meeting, where decisions are taken by consensus and compromise at the local level. These decisions are then sent as recommendations to the next higher level where by consensus and compromise again a decision is taken. Ultimately, these decisions reach to the top of Libya, and the "Guide" sees how they can be carried out.


The problem with the governance of Libya was that not everyone was a member of a Sufi order where the search for enlightenment in a spirit of love was the way decisions were to be made. Moreover, there were hardly any Libyan Quakers, and compromise was not the chief model for the tribal and clanic networks which was how the country was structured under Qaddafi.


Since the overthrow and death of Qaddafi in 2011, there has been no agreement on how the country should be structured. The model which is most likely to be followed is that of General Khalifa Haftar, The model is a military-based dictatorship with a small number of civilians as "window dressing". The model is well represented through the world although not always held up as a model form of government. Haftar holds a good bit of the Libyan territory, although his hope of a quick victory over the "national unity" government in the capitol Tripoli has not been successful for the moment.


The National Unity Government of Faiez Sarraj is a civilian-led government but heavily dependent for its survival on tribal militias. The model for the government is that of Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey with a certain ideological coloring from the Islamic Brotherhood, originally from Egypt but whose ideology has spread. What type of structures can be created between these two major models is not known. I would expect to see a Khalifa Haftar-led government with a few civilians brought in from the National Unity Government.


The only geographic area outside of the current Tripoli-centered conflict between Faiez Sarra and Khalifa Haftar is the area known as the Fezzan - the southwestern part of the country on the edge of the Sahara. The area was associated with the rest of the country during the period of King Idrass as there were a number of branches of his Sufi order in the oases where most of the 200,000 people in the area live, mostly date palm farmers. Gaddafi largely left the area alone as there was little possibility of developing organized opposition. However, today, the governmental neglect has opened the door to wide-spread smuggling of people, weapons and drugs. The Italian government in particular has drawn international attention to the lack of administration in the Fezzan as many of the African migrants who end up in Italy have passed through the Fezzan on their way to Europe.


The creation of highly decentralized governmental structures in Libya will not be easy. Nevertheless, such decentralized administration is key to the future, and a challenge to all of us who want to see a peaceful and relatively just Libya;



Rene Wadlow, President, Association of World Citizens


Turkish-Russian Shadows Darken the Sky Over LibyaRussian Shadows Darken the Sky Over Libya
by Rene Wadlow
2020-01-30 10:22:16

mercredi 22 janvier 2020

Conférence de Khadidja Ryadi à Lyon



Khadija Ryadi sera à Lyon le 23 Janvier 2020 pour une conférence sur "La situation des Droits Humains au Maghreb".

Libya: The Fairy Godmothers hoping to bless a new State Structure meet in Berlin



The Fairy Godmothers of world politics met in Berlin on 19 January 2020 to assist at the birth of a State structure arising from the currently deeply divided factions of Libya: German Chancellor Angela Merkel and U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres were the co-hosts with the Turkish Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Russia's Vladimer Putin, France's Emmanuel Macron, the U.K.'s Bosis Johnson, the USA's Mike Poupeo as well as the less easily recognized officials - Prime Minister of Italy, Giuseppe Corte and the representatives of China, Egypt, Algeria, and the United Arab Emirates. There were also representatives of the major intergovernmental organizations involved in Libya: the United Nations, the European Union, the African Union and the League of Arab States.

The Final Document of the Berlin Conference is an effort to please all participants, but, in fact, on the crucial issue of the creation of a functioning administration for Libya, there was only a broad vision of a desirable future: a single, unified, inclusive, and effective Libyan government that is transparent, accountable, fair with equitable distribution of public wealth and resources between different Libyan geographic areas, including through decentralization and support for municipalities, thereby removing a central grievance and cause of recrimination.

The creation of such State structures has been the chief issue since 1945 when the Allies - Britain, the USA and the USSR - agreed that the Italian colonies should not be returned to Italy, although Italian settlers were encouraged to stay. The Allies did not want to create the structures of the new State believing that this task should be done by the Libyans themselves. Also, the three Allies disagreed among themselves as to the nature of the future State.

By 1950-1951 with more crucial geopolitical issues elsewhere, the Allies were ready for the creation of a Libyan State. It seemed that a monarchy was the most appropriate form of government as there were no structured political parties that could have created a parliamentary government. Thus in 1951, Idris was made the King of the State. Idris was the head of the Senussi Sufi Order created by his father. The Senussi Sufi Order had branches in most parts of the country. Idriss ruled the country as if it were a Sufi order and did little to structure non-religious political structures. Idris ruled until September 1969 when he was overthrown by Muammg Qaddafi.

Qaddafi was also not interested in creating permanent political parties which, he feared, might be used against him. He called himself "the Guide of the Revolution" not "President" and Libya became the Libyan Jamaihirya, that is, the authority of the people. The closest model to Qaddafi's vision is a Quaker Meeting, where decisions are taken by consensus and compromise at the local level. These decisions are then sent as recommendations to the next higher level where by consensus and compromise again a decision is taken. Ultimately, these decisions reach to the top of Libya, and the "Guide" sees how they can be carried out.

The problem with the governance of Libya was that not everyone was a member of a Sufi order where the search for enlightenment in a spirit of love was the way decisions were to be made. Moreover, there were hardly any Libyan Quakers, and compromise was not the chief model for the tribal and clanic networks which was how the country was structured under Qaddafi.

Since the overthrow and death of Qaddafi in 2011, there has been no agreement on how the country should be structured. The model which is most likely to be followed is that of General Khalifa Haftor, who now likes to be addressed as "Field Marshall". The model is a military-based dictatorship with a small number of civilians as "window dressing". The model is well represented through the world although not always held up as a model form of government. Haftor holds a good bit of the Libyan territory, although his hope of a quick victory over the "national unity" government in the capitol Tripoli has not been successful for the moment.

The National Unity Government of Faiez Sarraj is a civilian-led government but heavily dependent for its survival on tribal militias. The model for the government is that of Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey with a certain ideological coloring from the Islamic Brotherhood, originally from Egypt but whose ideology has spread. What type of structures can be created between these two major models is not known. I would expect to see a Khalifa Haftar-led government with a few civilians brought in from the National Unity Government.

The only geographic area outside of the current Tripoli-centered conflict between Faiez Sarra and Khalifa Haftar is the area known as the Fezzan - the southwestern part of the country on the edge of the Sahara. The area was associated with the rest of the country during the period of King Idrass as there were a number of branches of his Sufi order in the oases where most of the 200,000 people in the area live, mostly date palm farmers. Gaddafi largely left the area alone as there was little possibility of developing organized opposition. However, today, the governmental neglect has opened the door to wide-spread smuggling of people, weapons and drugs. The Italian government in particular has drawn international attention to the lack of administration in the Fezzan as many of the African migrants who end up in Italy have passed through the Fezzan on their way to Europe.

The creation of highly decentralized governmental structures in Libya will not be easy. Nevertheless, such decentralized administration is key to the future, and a challenge to all of us who want to see a peaceful and relatively just Libya;

********************************

Rene Wadlow, President, Association of World Citizens

lundi 13 janvier 2020

World Civil Society Société Civile Mondiale



The term "civil society" came into extensive use especially in Europe in the mid -1970s as efforts to bridge the East-West divide and prevent the dangers of war in Europe. As Mary Kalder writes "A group of us launched the European Nuclear Disarmament (END) Appeal for a nuclear-free Europe. The Appeal attracted thousands of signatures from all over Europe and beyond and was one of the mobilizing documents of the new peace movement which sprang up in Western Europe in the early 1980s. The Appeal called for nuclear disarmament through unilateral, bilateral, and multilateral means, but it was also an appeal to end the Cold War. It accorded responsibility in the Cold War to both the United States and the Soviet Union and insisted on the link between disarmament and democracy." (1)
civi01_400


The END Appeal looked to positive action from "civil society" within the Soviet bloc which was starting to be vocal outside of the government-controlled peace organizations which largely reflected Soviet government policy in their interaction with Western peace-disarmament non-governmental organizations. As Ernest Gallner writes "Civil Society is the idea of institutional and ideological pluralism, which prevents the established monopoly of power and truth and counterbalances those central institutions which though necessary, might otherwise acquire such monopoly. The actual practice of Marxism had led, wherever it came to be implemented to what might be called Caesaro-Papism-Mannonism to the near total fusion of the political, ideological, and economic hierarchies. The state, the church-party, and the economic managers were all parts of one single nomenclatura... Civil Society is that set of diverse non-governmental institutions which is strong enough to counterbalance the state and, while not preventing the state from fulfilling its role as keeper of the peace and arbitrator between major interests, can nevertheless prevent it from dominating and atomizing the rest of society." (2)

Vaclav Havel, athough he later became president of a State, was a valuable symbol of the efforts to develop a civil society. "We emphasizd many times that the struggle we had taken on had little in common with what is traditionally understood by the expression 'politics.' We discussed such concepts as non-political politics, and stressed that we were interested in certain values and principles and not in power and position. We emphasized the importance of the spirit, the importance of truth and said that even spirit and truth embody a certain kind of power." (3)

Today, more than in the recent past, we are faced with a revival of the Caesaro-Papism-Mannonism States whose interactions, especially in the wider Middle East, could lead to armed conflicts. In addition to the Caesaro-led States, the world society faces terrorism as movements with goals, gurus, ideologues, myths and martyrs. Thus there is a need to develop and structure a world-wide civil society. The concept of civil society is probably the platform for future progressive action. The global civil society is a 'power shift' of potentially historic dimensions with bonds of trust, shared values and mutual obligations which cross national frontiers. With the war drums starting to beat, creative action is needed now.


Notes
1) Mary Kaldor (Ed.) Europe from Below (London: Verso, 1991)
2) Ernest Gallner. Conditions of Liberty: Civil Society and its Rivals(London: Penguin Books, 1996)
3) Vaclav Havel in Mary Kalder (Ed.) Europe from Below

*********************************

Rene Wadlow, President, Association of World Citizens

jeudi 28 novembre 2019

Freedom of Conscience and Belief


25 November is the date anniversary of the U.N. General Assembly resolution in 1981 to proclaim the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief. The Declaration is a development of Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights highlighting freedom or thought, conscience, religion or belief. The 1981 Declaration is now recognized as articulating the fundamental right of freedom of conscience, religion, and belief.



The efforts for such a U.N. declaration began in 1962. Two conventions were proposed by African States, many of whom had joined the U.N. after their 1960 independence. One convention was to deal with racism. Since racism in the minds of many delegates was largely limited to apartheid in South Africa, work on a racism convention progressed quickly and was adopted in 1965. Freedom of religion was more complex. The effort was led by Liberia, but ran into East-West Cold War devisions. Work on a convention was largely completed by 1967 when the Six Day War in the Middle East broke out, making religious issues all the more sensitive at the U.N.



One issue was that there was no agreed upon definition as to what is "religion", thus the longer term used of "thought, conscience, religion or belief".

Work was still slow. Thus, it was decided to change the proposal from a "Convention" which is a treaty which must be ratified by the parliament of the Member State to a "Declaration" which can be voted by the U.N. General Assembly. The second modification was to change the declaration from a positive one - "freedom of religion or belief" to a negative one "elimination of intolerance and discrimination" based on religion or belief.

Work on the Declaration had begun at the U.N. in New York. When the human rights bodies of the U.N. moved in 1977 to Geneva, a working group on the Declaration was set up in which representatives on non-governmental organizations (NGOs) such as the Association of World Citizens, were particularly active. By the summer of 1981, the drafting of the Declaration was complete. The text was sent on to the delegates in New York and was adopted by the U.N. General Assembly on 25 November 1981.

After 1981, the U.N. Commission on Human Rights (become since the Human Rights Council) created the post of Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion in 1985. The post continues today. The Declaration has given NGOs an agreed upon standard to which to hold governments. The 1981 Declaration cannot be implemented by U.N. bodies alone. Beginning with the shift of the U.N. human rights secretariat to Geneva and the closer cooperation with NGO representatives, the role of NGOs is more often written into U.N. human rights resolutions, calling on NGO cooperation, education and fact-finding. Thus in the 1981 Declaration there is a paragraph which "requests the Secretary-General in this context to invite interested non-governmental organizations to consider what further role they could envisage playing in the implementation of the Declaration."

Thus, the Association of World Citizens has continued to play an active role in the U.N. human rights bodies when the right of belief and conscience has been under attack in different parts of the world. Our policy has been to take a lead when a community under pressure was not part of an NGO in consultative status with representatives in Geneva who could speak for them. In practice, the World Council of Churches speaks for Protestant and to a lesser degree for the Orthodox Churches. The Vatican, which is considered a State, participates actively in human rights bodies and speaks for Roman Catholic churches. Thus, the Association of World Citizens has, in recent years, raised the issues of the Mandaeans, also known as Sabian Mandaeans, in Iraq, the Yazidi in Iraq and Syria, the Rohingya fleeing Myanmar (Burma), the Baha'i in Yemen after having raised starting in 1980 the persecution of the Baha'i in Iran. Starting in 1985, there being no active Buddhist organization active at the U.N. in Geneva at the time, we raised the condition of religious liberty of the Tibetans in Tibet. This was followed by presentations of the fate of the Falun Gong movement in China. They are basically Taoist but consider themselves as a separate movement or belief. There was no Taoist NGO at the U.N. that I knew of.

There is a worldwide erosion of the freedom of belief and conscience in many parts of the world causing large-scale suffering, grave injustice, and refugee flows. Belief and conscience are efforts on the part of individuals and communities to understand and to seek to live in harmony with the laws of Nature and often to communicate their understanding and devotion to others. The anniversary date of 25 November should be an opportunity to consider how to strengthen freedom of conscience and belief.

******************************

Rene Wadlow, President, Association of World Citizens

lundi 18 novembre 2019

Rapport annuel sur la Géopolitique de l'Afrique

Rapport annuel sur la Géopolitique de l'Afrique



Le Rapport sur la géopolitique de l’Afrique, dénommé lors de ses éditions précédentes « Miroir d’Afrique », s’inscrit dans une série de documents annuels publiés par le Policy Center for the New South (PCNS). Les grandes évolutions du continent y sont traitées, avec une large place faite à l’analyse prospective. Ce rapport s’ajoute ainsi au Rapport annuel sur l’économie de l’Afrique et au Rapport Arcadia (Annual Report on Commodity Analytics and Dynamics in Africa), portant les analyses de chercheurs issus du Nord comme du Sud.

Ce document s’articule autour de trois grandes parties, consacrées aux régions, à la sécurité et au jeu des puissances étrangères. L’Afrique n’étant pas un pays, mais un vaste continent dont la carte peut abriter les superficies de la Chine, de l’Inde, de l’Europe et des États-Unis, une analyse informée et factuelle ne peut faire l’économie d’un passage au crible des dynamiques propres à chacune de ses sous-régions, organisées en communautés économiques. Le thème de la sécurité, quant à lui, englobe les questions de la migration, de l’embrigadement des mineurs dans des groupes armés, ainsi que de la criminalité transnationale et du terrorisme. Enfin, l’analyse du jeu auquel se livrent les grandes puissances étrangères englobe les problématiques liées à l’urbanisme et au changement climatique.

Consultez ici le rapport Miroir d’Afrique

https://www.policycenter.ma/publications/rapport-annuel-sur-la-g%C3%A9opolitique-de-lafrique?platform=hootsuite

samedi 9 novembre 2019

Il était 1 fois, 1 mur


Témoignage de Malika Filali qui raconte sa journée.

· Il y a 30 ans aujourd'hui. Un des plus beaux jours de ma chienne de life. Ce jour qui, depuis, me fait croire farouchement que TOUT est possible. Tant qu'il y aura des hommes. De bonne volonté. Et des peuples qui crient. ------------------------------------------------------ Les tribulations d'une Marocaine dans les 2 Allemagnes 9 novembre 1989: le Mur est tombé, l'indicible s'est produit, l'improbable est arrivé, les poules ont eu des dents, la semaine a eu 4 jeudis et impossible n'est plus allemand! Il n'y a plus qu'une seule Allemagne. Nous dansons tous, les Allemands et nous, les autres. Nous autres qui pensons à nos murs à nous, invisibles certes, mais parfois insurmontables... qui sait? Si une solide muraille made in Germany a pu tomber, pourquoi pas les nôtres, si souvent rafistolées par des potentats forts de nos seules faiblesses? Le soir même, ils arrivent tous en une heure de temps de la frontière abolie, nous sommes à Hambourg si près des miradors de l'ex RDA... Ils arrivent dans leurs légendaires Trabis brinquebalantes avec chacun 100 deutschmarks en poche, alloués par l'autre Allemagne aux "frangins" récupérés. Une des cousines, hallucinée, me demande au super-marché: "A quoi ça vous sert d'avoir 18 sortes de moutardes?“. C’est vrai, ça. A quoi ça sert sinon à faire tourner le système capitaliste qui nous régit…. Je renonce à parler politique en ce jour de liesse. Les Trabis se garent à côté des Rolls des beaux quartiers de la ville, scènes surréalistes de deux mondes qui s'accostent, s'embrassent, et se congratulent. On rit, on danse, on fraternise: on est heureux d'étreindre l'Histoire. En pleine nuit mon mari se redresse de son sommeil d'Allemand fraîchement réunifié avec l'Est et me crie: "Malika, Malika, réveille-toi… Je viens d’avoir une idée!!! On va pouvoir enfin récupérer la maison du grand-père de l'autre côté de la frontière et dont personne ne voulait! Vite, on va y aller demain. Enfin 300 km sans passer par les miradors, les soldats, les chiens, les tracasseries, les contrôles, youpee!" Car ce village du Papi, enfoui au fond du Mecklembourg, je l’avais visité l’année précédente, flanquée de ma belle-mère et de mon mari. J’avais passé des heures à la frontière, sous l’oeil mauvais des soldats de l’Est, mitrailleuses pointées sur nous, me laissant passer tranquillement, moi, la non-Allemande mais déshabillant les autres et les accablant de questions et de fouilles. Jusqu’à ces tiges prolongées de petits miroirs et caméras qu’ils nous ont passé sous la voiture au voyage de retour, des fois que nous aurions un cousin clandestin épris de liberté et collé sous la carcasse… Je me souviens encore de ces magasins vides et désolants, des étalages de choux-fleurs pourris, de fruits chétifs (c’est quoi, une banane - quel goût a une orange, demandaient les petits cousins)… Le poissonnier, lui, n’ouvrait qu’un jour par semaine, l’essentiel allant sur Berlin, Dresde et Leipzig. Le communisme dans ses derniers soubresauts, mais ça, nous ne le savions pas… Et c'est ainsi que nous nous retrouvons, quelques mois plus tard propriétaires d'une maison enfouie dans un village du Mecklembourg profond où vivent environ 300 citoyens de l'Allemagne de l'Est profonde qui n'ont jamais vu d'étrangers avant mon arrivée. La nouvelle passe comme l'éclair: Une Africaine (sic) arrive! Le premier jour, en vraie bonne femme, je prends ma fille sous le bras et je pars faire des emplettes au village... Une rue, une seule rue mène à la place de la Mairie - car il y a une mairie.. mais rien d'autre: pas de cinéma, pas de super-marché, pas de poste, pas de taxis et - le comble - pas de police! Sous l'ancien régime chacun était un flic en puissance et la peur régnait... Quelques habitants bavardent sur le trottoir mais au fur et à mesure que j'avance, le silence se fait, les visages se figent et me fixent, ébahis. Je n'ose plus parler, mon coeur s'étreint et je me réfugie dans une petite boutique d'alimentation où je découvre un désordre invraisemblable: toutes les denrées sont pêle-mêle, le lait frais en bouteille est par-terre, la crème fraîche aussi, les dates sont toutes périmées, il manque de tout et une saleté évidente recouvre l'ensemble. Vais-je devoir vivre réfugiée à la maison pour ne pas avoir à affronter la curiosité et l'hostilité générales? On tient le coup combien de temps à ce régime frustrant? Le salut, comme la vérité, semblerait sortir de la bouche des enfants. Ce sont des petites filles curieuses qui ont bravé un beau matin le mur-fantôme est-ouest-Maroc pour frapper à notre porte et demander à jouer avec ma petite Anissa. Et ce sont ces mêmes enfants qui m'ont révélé alors que le bruit avait fusé dans le village apeuré que j'étais venue de mon pays avec l'intention de capturer des enfants et ... de les manger (authentique). Et quand ces mêmes enfants, dûment interrogés par leurs parents, ont raconté que je les avais fait jouer, leur avais fait à manger et que je poussais même le degré de civilisation jusqu'à faire moi-même des confitures, le village entier a décrété que si les Allemands de l'Ouest étaient des individus détestables, arrogants qui les traitaient, eux pourtant Allemands, en parents pauvres et demeurés, les Marocains, par contre, étaient un peuple-frère et qu'en conséquence je serais adoptée sur l'heure! On défilait chez moi pour y déposer des sacoches entières de fruits cueillis des jardins du village (puisque je faisais des confitures…), on m’invitait à toutes les fêtes, on notait avec satisfaction que j’allais fleurir les tombes des grands-parents de mon mari et que j’avais donné des jouets pour la salle d’attente de l’unique doc du coin. Et d’aucuns commencèrent à cogiter sur des vacances au Maroc…. Je me suis souvent demandé pourquoi je me suis fondue dans cette société ex-communiste avec autant de facilité avant de comprendre que finalement… ils étaient beaucoup plus proches, en effet, de notre structure de société au Maroc que leurs homologues de l'autre côté du Mur. Séparés en somme par la langue commune.... alors qu'eux et moi nous partagions la vie dans le clan familial, l'importance des rituels et de l’opinion d’autrui. Et moi, la Malika d’origine, j’ai eu l’immense émotion récemment d’accueillir une de ces anciennes petites filles du communisme, venue me voir avec son bébé, et qui m’a raconté fièrement avoir été une des premières, dans ce Mecklembourg réac et xénophobe, à répondre „présent“ pour l’accueil des premiers réfugiés fuyant la Syrie. „Pour moi, les Arabes, c’était d’abord toi chez qui on se réfugiait, nous les gosses, dont personne ne s’occupait vraiment…“. 

Texte de Malika Filali